International Political Science Review recent issues

In This Issue

Lawson, K. — Fri, 13 Nov 2009 03:47:51 PST

The Assassination of Rafik Hariri: Foreign Policy Perspectives

Bosco, R. M. — Fri, 13 Nov 2009 03:47:51 PST

The assassination of foreign leaders is rarely considered by scholars of international affairs. This article examines the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri and the debates around the international tribunal formed to investigate it. It argues that the assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri is an instance of how issues of foreign policy intersect with the perennial themes of international organization and law. It pays particular attention to how the international norm against political assassinations remains a contested issue in international politics.

The Changing Challenge of Europeanization to Politics and Governance in Turkey

Ulusoy, K. — Fri, 13 Nov 2009 03:47:51 PST

This study reviews the transformation of governing structures in Europe over two centuries and examines the structural impact of the European Union (EU) on Turkish politics and polity. The Ottoman elites reformed governing structures during the 19th century and transformed a multinational and multireligious empire into a nation-state with a modern administrative structure similar to European examples. Today the Turkish governing elites are faced with a European challenge on similar terms, but with crucial differences in dimensions and impact. The EU conditions for Turkish membership are of a revolutionary character in that they require fundamental changes in the governing structures of the republican regime. Although Turkey—EU relations are evaluated in terms of EU conditionality, Europeanization poses a tremendous challenge to the nation-state and requires a transformation of basic governing structures and mentalities.

Explaining Differences in Child Care Policy Development in France and the USA: Norms, Frames, Programmatic Ideas

White, L. A. — Fri, 13 Nov 2009 03:47:51 PST

This article provides an answer to the question of why government support for child care policies and programs in the United States remains weak, despite increasing levels of women’s labor market participation and a relatively strong women’s movement, but strong in France, a country that has had lower levels of women’s labor market participation as well as a much weaker women’s movement. While those differences can be explained in part by economic and political interests and institutional and broad cultural differences, a theoretically richer understanding emerges when one examines how the three kinds of ideas underpinning these policy choices — norms, frames, and programmatic ideas — helped shape policies that emerged within specific actor, institutional, and cultural contexts.

How the Military Competes for Expenditure in Brazilian Democracy: Arguments for an Outlier

Zaverucha, J., Da Cunha Rezende, F. — Fri, 13 Nov 2009 03:47:51 PST

Comparative analysts argue that democracies spend less on military policies than authoritarian states, a claim that was applied to Brazilian electoral democracy by Hunter (1997). In fact, Brazil behaves as an outlier and military spending has continued to increase since 1995. Our explanation for this behavior relies on the idea of internal political governability risks faced by Brazilian presidents.They are continually threatened by leftist groups that have fragile commitments to liberal democracies and they rely on the military to strategically protect them.

Democracy's Friend or Foe? The Effects of Recent IMF Conditional Lending in Latin America

Brown, C. — Fri, 13 Nov 2009 03:47:51 PST

Structural adjustment is commonly prescribed as a condition for receiving loans from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, but the effects of structural adjustment and conditionality are controversial. While much research has been devoted to examining the economic effects of conditional lending, far fewer studies have looked at the political consequences. How do conditional lending agreements affect democracy? Does the number of required reforms or the type of reform play a role? Neoliberal theory suggests that improved economic conditions will result from structural adjustment, and over time this should lead to higher levels of democracy. Conversely, democratic practices may decline in the presence of conditionality as the government reduces civil liberties in an attempt to quell the social unrest that results from structural adjustment. Using a sample of Latin American countries from 1998 to 2003, this article analyzes the effects of both the number and type of required conditions on democracy and finds that while the presence of an IMF loan itself does not affect democracy, loan with a high number of required reforms have a deleterious effect on democratic practices. Further, these effects are conditional upon the type of reform required in the loan. This suggests that IMF efforts to consider the political consequences of reforms when negotiating loans have not been entirely successful and that the number and type of conditional requirements should be carefully considered before their inclusion in a loan agreement.

Abstracts in French and Spanish

Fri, 13 Nov 2009 03:47:51 PST

In This Issue

Lawson, K. — Mon, 29 Jun 2009 09:24:56 PDT

Charismatic Authority and Leadership Change: Lessons from Cuba's Post-Fidel Succession

Hoffmann, B. — Mon, 29 Jun 2009 09:24:56 PDT

When Max Weber introduced the concept of "charismatic authority" into the social sciences, acknowledging its great transformative potential, he stressed its inherent problem of succession. This proposition has been tested in the case of one of the most emblematic charismatic leaders in modern politics, Cuba's longtime revolutionary leader Fidel Castro. When he fell ill in 2006, conventional wisdom assumed a major crisis of succession to be inevitable. So how was it possible that the Cuban regime was able to stage a gradual and orderly succession? In addressing this question, the article identifies four key ways in which the empirical experience of the post-Fidel succession challenges our theoretical understanding of the link between charismatic authority and political leadership change.

The Political Economy of Fiscal Federalism and the Dilemma of Constructing a Developmental State in Nigeria

Aiyede, E. R. — Mon, 29 Jun 2009 09:24:56 PDT

The relationship between federalism and development needs to be investigated in the context of values of governance and state—society relations, especially citizenship. This helps to uplift the discourse on the African state by situating it within the historiography and political economy of federalism. This article explores the institutional and political foundations of the fundamentally distributive orientation of Nigeria's fiscal federal system: the values that underlie governance and the character of state—society relations expressed in the demarcation of fiscal federalism from citizenship privileges and duties. It argues that a fragmented citizenship sustains predatory rule, which undermines the developmental content of federalism.

Which Characteristics of Civil Society Organizations Support What Aspects of Democracy? Evidence from Post-communist Latvia

Uhlin, A. — Mon, 29 Jun 2009 09:24:56 PDT

This article reconsiders the argument that civil society promotes democracy. Both the independent variable of civil society and the dependent variable of democracy are disentangled. Several hypotheses on what characteristics of civil society organizations (CSOs) promote what aspects of democracy are tested using survey data including 500 CSOs in post-communist Latvia. The regression analysis shows that organizational characteristics (such as the field of activity, extent of political activities, and number of members) have a stronger effect on democracy than have relational characteristics (such as the degree of open recruitment and autonomy). Certain characteristics of CSOs can be supportive of some democratic functions but constitute obstacles to other aspects of democracy. It is possible to distinguish between an advocacy civil society, which is vital for the institutional aspects of democracy through performing the functions of interest articulation and checking state power, and a recreational civil society, which may strengthen democracy through the fostering of support for democratic values and increasing individual capacity for political participation.

Islam, Jihadism, and Depoliticization in France and Germany

Boukhars, A. — Mon, 29 Jun 2009 09:24:56 PDT

Pressures from within (Islam) and without (globalization and European integration) have made Germans and the French feel apprehensive about their national identity and culture. Both countries are visibly struggling to defuse the potentially explosive mix of nationalism and fear of the Muslim "stranger," while defining citizenship for their marginalized and disenfranchised immigrants. The issue is no longer the building of "defensive citadels" of "Frenchness" or "Germanness," particularly since Germany has finally come to grips with the reality that the Gastarbeiter (guest workers) are there to stay. The challenge for Germany and France today is to define what kinds of values are essential for their countries' secular model of society and what kinds are negotiable.

Strategic Anticipation and Adjustment: Ex Ante and Ex Post Information in Explaining Sanctions Outcomes

Chan, S. — Mon, 29 Jun 2009 09:24:56 PDT

The outcomes of economic sanctions should not be explained by ex ante information that has already been discounted by the interested parties when they decided to initiate or resist economic coercion. Therefore, contrary to much of the existing literature, only ex post information becoming available after the occurrence of sanctions should explain their results. This logic of strategic anticipation and selection applies to interstate interactions generally, such as those pertaining to the success of deterrence policy and the outbreak of war.

Abstracts in French and Spanish

Mon, 29 Jun 2009 09:24:56 PDT

In This Issue

Galligan, Y. — Mon, 20 Apr 2009 03:28:26 PDT

Presidentialization, Pluralization, and the Rollback of Itamaraty: Explaining Change in Brazilian Foreign Policy Making in the Cardoso-Lula Era

Cason, J. W., Power, T. J. — Mon, 20 Apr 2009 03:28:26 PDT

Since the 1990s Brazilian foreign policy has become increasingly central to Latin American integration, to South—South relations, and to global governance, especially under the leadership of presidents Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995—2002) and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003 to the present). This article argues that the making of Brazilian foreign policy since the mid-1990s has been marked by two major trends: pluralization of actors and the rise of presidentially led diplomacy. These two trends have promoted a gradual erosion of the influence of the highly professionalized and traditionally autonomous Foreign Ministry (Itamaraty). The article analyzes the role of global, regional, and domestic political factors in promoting this transformation, and examines the consequences for Brazil's foreign policy outputs.

The Politics of Tripartite Cooperation in New Democracies: A Multi-level Analysis

Aleman, J. — Mon, 20 Apr 2009 03:28:26 PDT

The literature on labor politics explains cooperation among unions, employers and state representatives in new democracies as a function of alliances between politically influential unions and left governments. This article introduces an original dataset of labor agreements in new democracies (1994—2004). Using Boolean analysis, it shows that while left governments are typically associated with more labor market regulation, they are not sufficient for social pacts to emerge in new democracies. Instead, protective labor market institutions and practices explain most instances of cooperation. Further analysis reveals this to be the case for all types of pacts analyzed.

Dangerous (Internal) Foreigners and Nation-Building: The Case of Canada

Dhamoon, R., Abu-Laban, Y. — Mon, 20 Apr 2009 03:28:26 PDT

In this article we develop a theoretical framework attuned to the relationship between discourses of security, race/racialization, and foreignness. Applying this framework to three historic instances of Canadian national insecurity (Japanese-Canadian internment, the Front de libération du Québec crisis, and the Kanehsatake/Oka crisis), we argue that "foreignness" is produced and regulated in historically specific ways with consequences for how "the nation" is viewed. We demonstrate how this is especially evident in relation to racialized constructions of "internal dangerous foreigners." Our framework and findings invite larger disciplinary consideration of the post-September 11 security environment both in and outside Canada.

Turnaround: The National Resistance Movement and the Reintroduction of a Multiparty System in Uganda

Makara, S., Rakner, L., Svasand, L. — Mon, 20 Apr 2009 03:28:26 PDT

This article addresses the process behind the decision of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) to reintroduce multiparty politics in Uganda. Restrictions on party activity were introduced when the NRM assumed power in 1986 and were upheld in a referendum in 2000. In March 2003 the NRM u-turned on the issue and agreed a return to multiparty politics in Uganda. The article seeks to explain why the NRM leadership sanctioned a transition to multiparty politics and, secondly, how the NRM leadership sought to remain in control of the transition process. We find that the reintroduction of a multiparty system in Uganda primarily was stimulated by internal conflicts between factions within the NRM and much less by international (donor) pressure. We show that the decision to move to multiparty politics was made contingent on other constitutional changes which enabled the executive and the central political leadership to remain in power.

From Insurgency to Democracy: The Challenges of Peace and Democracy-Building in Nepal

Thapa, G. B., Sharma, J. — Mon, 20 Apr 2009 03:28:26 PDT

The failure of authoritarian and totalitarian regimes spurred a global surge in democratization in the 1980s. However, efforts at democratization have been challenged by path-dependent institutional and political variables that can inhibit the growth of western-style democratic pluralism. Nepal is no exception to this experience. When the king sidelined the political parties in an attempt to revive the absolute monarchy in February 2005, the political parties and the Maoist guerrillas resisted this move and forced the king to revive the dissolved House of Representatives. Subsequently, parliament proclaimed Nepal to be a federal democratic republic, ending the 240-year-old Hindu monarchy. Today, there is both optimism and pessimism regarding the ongoing peace and democracy-building project in Nepal: optimism because there is a consensus, albeit vague, on building political and economic institutions that will transform Nepali society for the better; pessimism because the due process of law is being increasingly thwarted due to the nondemocratic inclinations of political leaders. This article critically reviews the challenges Nepal is facing as it struggles to transform from insurgency to a peaceful and democratic society.

Abstracts in French and Spanish

Mon, 20 Apr 2009 03:28:26 PDT

In This Issue

Galligan, Y. — Wed, 14 Jan 2009 08:10:24 PST

Political Participation and Regime Stability: A Framework for Analyzing Hybrid Regimes

Ekman, J. — Wed, 14 Jan 2009 08:10:24 PST

In past decades a number of countries that have moved away from outright authoritarianism have not transformed into democracies, but rather into regimes that combine democratic and non-democratic characteristics, sometimes labeled hybrid regimes. This article develops a framework for analyzing hybrid regimes. Empirically, the article examines three cases, Tanzania, Russia, and Venezuela, looking specifically at electoral participation and support for the opposition, as well as the potential for political change, i.e. public discontent and conditions for mobilization. The article demonstrates that the stability of hybrid regimes is related to the incumbents' ability to circumvent the opposition, but also to the lack of interplay between citizens and opposition parties.

Cognitive Style and Foreign Policy: Margaret Thatcher's Black-and-White Thinking

Dyson, S. B. — Wed, 14 Jan 2009 08:10:24 PST

Margaret Thatcher was a key late-20th-century political figure, with a major part of her influence felt in international affairs. Her colleagues and interlocutors agree that Thatcher was a distinctive and forceful individual. Yet, few studies have sought to systematically investigate her worldview and leadership style, and evaluate their impact upon her policy choices. Here, I apply Hermann's conceptual complexity content analysis scheme to the entirety of Thatcher's responses to foreign policy questions in the House of Commons, finding that she scores significantly lower in complexity than both the average world leader and the average post-1945 British prime minister. This aspect of cognitive style, which has been associated with stark, black-and-white worldviews, is shown to have strongly conditioned Thatcher's foreign policy decisions in the Falklands crisis, her relationship with Ronald Reagan, her evaluation of the Soviet Union and of Mikhail Gorbachev, and her attitude toward German reunification. I conclude, then, that Thatcher's personality is key to understanding her time in office, and that she presents a vivid example of how individuals matter in politics.

Public Support for Regional Integration in Northeast Asia: An Empirical Test of Affective and Utilitarian Models

Jhee, B.-K. — Wed, 14 Jan 2009 08:10:24 PST

Using data from the Global View 2004 survey, this research examines the extent to which the idea of creating a regional community in Northeast Asia is supported by Korean citizens, and investigates the determinants of public support for this novel idea. It finds that both widely adopted affective and utilitarian models of public support for regional integration have critical limitations in accounting for the proposed regional integration in Northeast Asia. It shows that security-related utilitarian factors have the greatest explanatory power. Finally, it is suggested that enhancing cooperation with China and Japan in unraveling security problems is necessary to initiate regional integration, especially in Northeast Asia.

Competing Visions of Democracy and Development in the Era of Neoliberalism in Mexico and Chile

Teichman, J. A. — Wed, 14 Jan 2009 08:10:24 PST

This article takes as its starting point the current scholarly concern with democratic quality, poverty, and inequality. It notes the tendency of political leaderships at the federal level in Mexico and Chile to exclude political pressures that contravene their neoliberal imperatives. It develops this argument with specific reference to the contestation over conditional cash transfer programs. Research reveals the existence of two competing visions of democracy and development at the root of this conflict. The neoliberal perspective is supported by political-technocratic leaders who developed these programs, while the community development perspective is found among their civil society critics. The community development perspective challenges the key tenets of the neoliberal viewpoint, making its exclusion from policy development and monitoring understandable. However, this exclusion may give rise to increased criticism of the responsiveness of democratic institutions and to less than efficacious policy outcomes.

Conceptualizing Islamic Movements: The Case of Turkey

Delibas, K. — Wed, 14 Jan 2009 08:10:24 PST

The September 11 atrocities brought Islamic movements to the attention of the world media. The events of this day also became a significant focus of academic analysis. However, media reports and most academic discussions have confused the reason for the existence of Islamic movements with the results of their extreme actions. Sociological analyses suggest that these movements have arisen as a response to diverse socioeconomic and political conditions aggravated by rapid urbanization and globalization. Characterizing Islamic movements as grounded in a religious-based antipathy to the Western world does not tell the full story. In this article, the Turkish Islamic movement will be used as a case study in order to shed light on the way in which Islamic movements emerge and develop.

Abstracts in French and Spanish

Wed, 14 Jan 2009 08:10:24 PST